Honduras

Editorial

Mr. Micheletti’s Dangerous Game

The New York Times, August 14, 2009

Resumen en español de Notimex (15/08/09)

Editorial del New York Times sostiene que EEUU debe ejercer más presión para reinstalar a Zelaya. De no hacerlo, la crisis podría durar años

Nueva York.- El gobierno de EEUU debe ejercer mayor presión contra el gobierno de facto de Honduras, encabezado por Roberto Micheletti, para que reinstale al presidente depuesto Manuel Zelaya, señaló este sábado The New York Times.

"Si (el gobierno de facto) continúa rechazando el trato, Estados Unidos deberá estar preparado para ejercer mayor presión", señaló un editorial del diario, sin especificar la naturaleza de esa presión.

Explicó que pese a que Zelaya ha prometido no modificar la Constitución para relegirse y adelantar las elecciones un mes, a octubre, el gobierno de Micheletti no ha permitido su regreso.

La estrategia de Micheletti ha sido posponer la reinstalación de Zelaya hasta que sucedan las elecciones y se vote por un nuevo presidente. Sin embargo, tales comicios serían ilegítimos para muchos hondureños, expresó el diario.

El periódico asentó que el gobierno de Zelaya es legítimo, ya que fue democráticamente electo, a pesar que el depuesto presidente no es un aliado de Estados Unidos y está alineado más bien con el mandatario de Venezuela, Hugo Chávez.

De no reinstalar a Zelaya a la brevedad, la crisis en Honduras podría durar años, en lugar de meses, apuntó.

Honduras’s de facto government appears to be running out the clock. It seems to believe that it can slow–pedal negotiations to reinstate President Manuel Zelaya, who was summarily ousted by the armed forces in June, and hang tight until voters elect a new president in November.

It must be disabused of this notion. Honduras has been deeply divided by the coup and passions could easily spin out of control. Even if the de facto government manages to pull off new elections, the results would be viewed as illegitimate by much of the Honduran population. That could mean years, not months, of crisis.

The Organization of American States, Washington and the Latin American governments that are trying to broker a solution must press this point with Roberto Micheletti, the de facto president, and his advisers.

Mr. Zelaya, a self–styled populist and favorite of Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez, is no fan of the United States. But, as Mr. Obama rightly pointed out, Mr. Zelaya was democratically elected.

Washington condemned the coup and suspended about $18 million in mostly military and development aid to the de facto government. But it carefully modulated its rhetoric to keep the focus where it belonged — on Mr. Micheletti and the illegal coup. And it held off on imposing more drastic penalties, like withdrawing Washington’s ambassador to Tegucigalpa or freezing the bank accounts of people associated with the coup, as some Democrats in Congress have urged.

This has given the United States room to encourage negotiations led by President Óscar Arias of Costa Rica, a winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. The administration has rightly held to that course, even after some Congressional Republicans — whose support for democracy is apparently selective — criticized this approach.

The administration may not be able to hew to this fine line for much longer. Mr. Arias has proposed that President Zelaya be returned to office immediately and that Honduras move up its presidential elections by a month to October. Mr. Zelaya has also agreed not to try to change the constitution so he can run for re–election — the issue that prompted the coup. But Mr. Micheletti has dug in his heels, refusing to accept the deal.

Foreign ministers from several Latin American countries plan to visit Honduras next week to press Mr. Micheletti and his backers to change their minds. The de facto government has already forced a postponement of the visit once. If it continues to reject the deal, the United States must be prepared to exert more pressure.