Solidarity and Intervention in Libya
By
Aslı Ü. Bâli and Ziad Abu–Rish
Jadiliyya,
March 16, 2011
The
Libyan uprising is entering its fourth week. The courage and
persistence of the Libyan people’s efforts to overthrow
al–Qaddafi have been met with ongoing regime brutality
ranging from shoot–to–kill policies to the
indiscriminate use of artillery against unarmed civilians.
When we last wrote on this subject, we already recognized
that the situation in Libya was dire. Since that time the
violence of the regime’s unhinged bid to subdue the armed
insurgency has only escalated. The mounting civilian death
toll resulting from regime brutality has amplified previous
calls for international intervention.
The
Security Council unanimously issued a resolution imposing
tough measures against the Libyan regime including an arms
embargo, asset freeze, travel ban and a referral of the
situation in Libya to the International Criminal Court for
investigation. More recently, the Arab League has called on
the Security Council to impose a no–fly zone over Libya.
The issue of a no–fly zone is only one of several
proposals now being loudly advocated. Others include
funneling arms to Libyan rebels and proposals to coordinate
with Egyptian commandos allegedly already operating in Libya
to provide logistical assistance and training to the rebels.
Despite the intuitive appeal of the argument that something
must be done, we write again now to oppose calls for the
types of international intervention that are currently under
discussion.
The
desire to act in solidarity with the Libyan people demands
that we assess the available options against the core
principle of legitimacy that any intervention must satisfy:
do no harm (that is, do not do more harm on balance by
intervening). The likelihood that any of the current
proposals involving coercive intervention would satisfy this
principle is severely constrained when evaluated against the
historical record, logistical realities, and the incentives
and interests of the states in a position to serve as the
would–be external interveners. Put simply, coercive
external intervention to alter the balance of power on the
ground in Libya in favor of the anti–Qaddafi revolt is
likely to backfire badly. The attendant costs would, of
course, be borne not by those who call for intervention from
outside of Libya but by the Libyan people with whom we hope
to show solidarity. In what follows we argue that embracing
the call for solidarity requires a much more careful
appraisal of the interventionist option, precisely because
the potential risks will be borne by Libyan civilians.
Mixed
Motivations and Regime Change
Of
the arguments against intervention, the most straightforward
draws on an assessment of the long history of external
intervention in the Middle East and North Africa.
There
is no need to rehearse that history here since the failure
of such past interventions to advance the humanitarian
welfare or political aspirations of local populations is
well–established. But because the possibility of
intervention is debated in some circles as if the starting
point is a tabula rasa, it is important to begin by
recalling this dismal history.
For
instance, the imposition of a no–fly–zone on Iraq did
little in and of itself to shift the balance of power
against the Saddam Hussein regime, but it did result in the
deaths of hundreds of civilians. Further, the no–fly zone
served as a predicate for the subsequent invasion and
occupation of Iraq insofar as the ongoing use of this
coercive measure against the regime from 1991 until 2003 was
cited in support of the argument that there was “implied
authorization” to forcibly topple the regime. Indeed, in
some ways the modes of intervention that are currently being
suggested—including a no–fly zone—should be understood
precisely in the register of regime change (rather than
humanitarian) intervention.
While
humanitarian considerations are often invoked in defense of
intervention, humanitarianism is far from the only issue on
the table. Other reasons that have been adduced in favor of
intervention in Libya include vindicating international
norms, re–establishing the leadership of the U.S. in the
region, preventing spill–over of the refugee crisis into
Europe, and the stabilization of world oil markets.
The
Libyan people are struggling to change their regime on their
own terms and there is no reason to presume an overlap
between these various logics of intervention and their
interests. The historical record clearly establishes that an
external regime change intervention based on mixed
motives—even when accompanied with claims of
humanitarianism—usually privileges the strategic and
economic interests of interveners and results in disastrous
consequences for the people on the ground. Indeed, the
discord currently evidenced among Western powers concerning
intervention in Libya is precisely based in their doubts as
to whether their strategic interests are adequately served
by such a course.
The
incongruence between the interests of external interveners
and those on the ground in Libya is already apparent. Beyond
their eleventh hour timing, serious mobilizations for
intervention on the part of Western powers were issued only
after most Western nationals had been safely evacuated from
Libya. The fact that outside powers were unwilling to act
while their nationals were on Libyan soil demonstrates their
understanding that treating the regime with coercion may
lead to civilian deaths either directly as a result of an
intervention or indirectly through reprisals against
civilians identified as opponents. Furthermore, the
evacuation channels made available to Western nationals –
airlifts across the Mediterranean – were not and are not
being offered to Libyan civilians nor African migrant
workers trapped in Libya. If the humanitarian welfare of
civilians in Libya were paramount, they, too, would have
been offered this secure escape route. Instead, once Western
nationals were safely out of harm’s way, coercive measures
were adopted without any effort to protect or evacuate the
civilians that were left behind in Tripoli and beyond.
No–Fly
Zone, Local Calls, and Solidarity
To
be clear, we are not categorically rejecting any and all
forms of intervention irrespective of the context. Instead,
we reject forms of intervention that, on balance, are likely
to produce more harm than benefit. This is a context–specific
determination that requires an assessment of the forseeable
consequences of particular proposed interventions.
With
respect to the context in Libya today we are critical of
current proposals for intervention in light of the
identities and interests of would–be interveners and the
limited understanding of intra–Libyan politcal dynamics on
which they rely. There are circumstances under which a no–fly
zone might conceivably serve a humanitarian purpose. In
particular, if air strikes were the principal means by which
the regime was inflicting civilian casualties there would be
a much stronger case for a no–fly zone. Though the
military situation within Libya remains unclear, the
empirical evidence that is available suggests that al–Qaddafi’s
artillery poses a more serious threat to both civilians and
rebels than air strikes. In addition, the regime’s aerial
assaults have primarily employed helicopter gunships, which
would be difficult to counter through a no–fly zone
because they fly lower and are harder to target than
warplanes.
Further,
a no–fly zone imposed either through the Security Council
or NATO would involve an attack on Libyan runways, radars,
and anti–aircraft artillery installations with the
potential for significant “collateral damage” against
civilians and civilian infrastructure.
A
no–fly zone that risks killing Libyans would also run the
risk of strengthening the regime’s hand by enabling al–Qaddafi
to style himself as an anti–imperialist defender of Libyan
sovereignty. Rather than persuading elements of the military
and air force to defect, such a move might produce a counter–productive
rally–round–the–flag effect in parts of Libya still
under the control of the regime. The fact that for
logistical and political reasons a no–fly zone poses a
serious risk of backfiring is an important consideration.
But it is not the only reason to question whether heeding
local calls for a no–fly zone necessarily represent an act
of solidarity.
Unlike
many other parts of the Middle East, Libya is a relatively
unknown political context for outsiders whether they are
progressive activists or conventional analysts.
In
a context where intervention is based on the logic of regime
change rather than the well–being of the people on the
ground, the absence of on–the–ground knowledge about
local actors is especially worrying. Elsewhere, for instance
in the Palestinian context, much is known about the
different parties on the ground. As a result, activists,
scholars, and analysts are able to disaggregate different
calls emanating from local actors and determine which they
deem to be “representative” of the civilian population
or entitled to “solidarity.”
By
contrast, little is known about the groups that now comprise
the Benghazi–based National Transitional Council of Libya
and the degree to which they represent the wider demands and
interests of the Libyan civilian population. Libyans from
other regions of the country (whehter liberated or regime–controlled),
who experience allegiance to different tribal leaders and/or
political factions among Libyan social forces, may or may
not be represented by those currently calling for no–fly
zones. Furthermore, a response to calls emanatating from one
region may risk fragmenting the country. The fact that we
know so little about the domestic context among non–regime
actors in Libya is precisely the reason that the types of
external intervention currently being proposed are so likely
to backfire.
The
desire to act in solidarity with local Libyans struggling
for their liberation is important. But without a clear sense
of the consequences of a particular intervention – or the
interests and diverse actors likely to be impacted – there
is no way to satisfy the do–no–harm principle.
Notwithstanding
the provenance of the calls for a no–fly zone – whether
within Libya or the Arab League – and their attendant
“authenticity” or legitimacy, we cannot justify
intervention unless we can appraise its likely consequences
for the civilian population with whom we are allegedly
acting in solidarity. This difficulty is further compounded
by the fact that neither the Western nor Arab powers
currently calling for intervention have a record of
privileging particular domestic partners based on the
interests or aspirations of local populations. There is
little reason to expect that Libya will be exceptional in
this regard, particularly in light of the mixed motives of
any potential intervener.
We
do not argue that the international community has no
obligation to support Libyan civilians. To the contrary, we
strongly believe there is such an obligation, but that
current coercive options pose serious risks to the Libyan
population with little concomitant benefit in terms of
humanitarian protections.
The
interests of potential external interveners are not well
aligned with those of Libyans on the ground beyond that of
regime change. This is evidenced both by the eleventh hour
nature of current discussions about strategies of
intervention and by the fact that the policies under
consideration are largely symbolic, such as a no–fly zone
that would offer little concrete support to Libyans on the
ground.
Further,
the identities of those contemplating intervention reinforce
concerns about such proposals. Many members of the Arab
League are currently undertaking repression of democratic
uprisings against their rule. The legitimacy and
representativeness of any call they issue should be called
into question by their own internal anti–democratic
practices. As Saudi troops enter Bahrain to shore up the
defenses of an authoritarian ruling family against its own
people, the bankruptcy of calls for intervention in Libya by
members of the GCC and the Arab League is evident. Members
of the Group of 8, who met in Paris to discuss a no–fly
zone this week, are also compromised by their ambivalence
towards democratic demands met with repression by their
regional allies and their own long history of brutal
interventions and direct support of authoritarian regimes.
Libyans
have already made great inroads on the ground and without
external support towards a goal of regime change in which
they will determine the day–after scenarios for their
country.
To
date, measures adopted by the international community have
done little to aid, and may have undermined, Libyan efforts
at liberation. For instance, the call for an ICC referral in
the measures adopted by the Security Council was most likely
counter–productive. The first priority should have been a
negotiated exit strategy for al–Qaddafi and his family,
not unlike the path already paved for the other recently
deposed Arab despots, Ben Ali and Mubarak. Instead, by
immediately referring the regime for investigation by the
ICC the international community has signaled to al–Qaddafi
that neither he nor his children will be allowed to go
quietly, potentially redoubling his resolve to fight to the
last. Allowing a negotiated exit to exile in an African or
South American country would not have precluded a subsequent
ICC referral, but might have facilitated an early end to the
violence currently ravaging Libya. Further, the same
resolution that referred Libyan authorities to the ICC
contained a specific exemption from ICC jurisdiction for
foreign interveners not party to the Rome Statute,
anticipating and providing impunity in some cases for
civilian deaths that result from possible Security Council–authorized
operations in Libya down the line. The ICC referral has been
described as an attempt to incentivize those around al–Qaddafi
to defect. Rather than vindicating international
accountability, this logic of incentives suggests impunity
for last–minute defectors notwithstanding decades of
crimes against the Libyan population. At its most basic, the
ICC referral represents the triumph of a set of
international goals (vindicating a constrained conception of
international accountability through the Libyan regime) over
the immediate interest in an early resolution of the Libyan
crisis through the provision of a regime exit strategy. This
privileging of international over local interests is typical
of external intervention and would only be exacerbated by
options involving the use of force.
We
argue for forms of international assistance that reverse
this privileging and begin from the known interests of
Libyan civilians. At a minimum, resources must be mobilized
to offer relief supplies to the Libyan population that is
currently outside of the control of the regime (bearing in
mind some of the problematic dynamics also associated with
such forms of “aid”). Urgent priority should be given to
addressing shortages of medical supplies and provision of
essential foods and clean water.
Beyond
these basics, an evacuation corridor for civilians –
including non–Libyan African workers trapped in the
territory – should be secured and responsibility for
shouldering the burden of refugee flows should not be
restricted to Tunisia and Egypt. To the contrary, rather
than imposing these costs on Libya’s poorest neighbors –
in the early stages of transitions of their own – Libya’s
relatively wealthy northern neighbors in Europe should be
absorbing a much larger share of the costs, human and
material, of offering refuge to fleeing civilians. The fact
that the airlifting of Libyan and other African civilians to
safety out of Tripoli is an option that is not currently on
the table speaks eloquently to the misalignment of
priorities between those who would potentially impose a
no–fly zone – NATO countries – and the local
population. Dropping the xenophobic European rhetoric on the
“dangers” of African immigration would also have the
benefit of removing one of the Libyan regime’s major
levers with the EU. As al–Qaddafi threatens to terminate
the agreements by which he has been warehousing African
migrants at Europe’s behest, he lays bare the cruel logic
of tacit alliances (based on immigration, energy, and
security interests) that has long lent support to his rule.
A Europe willing to take concrete steps to facilitate the
evacuation to its own shores of civilians who wish to leave
Libyan territory regardless of nationality would at least
have broken with its record of shameful complicity in regime
brutality.
Acting
in solidarity with the Libyan people within a do–no–harm
principle presents many constraints and frustratingly few
options. This is not because of an absence of concern for
the interests of the Libyan population but because there are
few good options beyond the provision of relief supplies and
evacuation channels. There may be other alternatives short
of external coercive intervention that might be considered
– such as sharing tactical intelligence with Libyan rebels
or jamming regime communications – though such options
would have to be carefully evaluated in light of potential
risks. By contrast, overt and covert coercive options
ranging from no–fly zones to arming Libyan rebels or using
regional commandos to train them all implicate external
actors in altering the balance on the ground in
unpredictable ways. To engage in such coercive strategies
without being able to evaluate the full range of
consequences amounts to subordinating the interests of the
Libyan people to our own sense of purpose and justice. As of
this writing, reports from Libya suggest that the tide may
be turning against the rebels. We are deeply concerned about
these developments, though they do not alter our assessment.
We strongly advocate creative strategies of solidarity with
the Libyan people while underscoring that calls for coercive
external intervention do not qualify. Indeed, it is possible
that demands for Western support to the rebels may already
have done more harm than good.
In
the end, we argue for humility in imagining the role we
might play in the course of Libyans’ struggle. The
international community is neither entitled to take the
reins today nor dictate the post–regime scenario tomorrow.
Further, those of us who wish to stand in solidarity with
Libyans from outside of their country must recognize that we
may not be best placed to indentify which local actors enjoy
broad–based support. Solidarity cannot be reduced to the
diplomatic politics of recognition nor to arguments for
external intervention. In the end, we counsel acting from
the outside only when our actions are clearly aligned with
the interests of Libyan civilians. Imaginative strategies to
offer much–needed relief and refuge to Libya’s
vulnerable population represent a challenge the
international community has yet to meet. That is a good
starting point for transnational solidarity.
Is
the 2011 Libyan Revolution an Exception?
By
Mohammed Bamyeh
Jadiliyya,
March 25, 2011
After
the fall of Hosni Mubarak, the strong man of the Middle East
on February 11, 2011, the Arab Spring appeared to be an
unrelenting force. In the week following his downfall, three
theaters of major rebellion—Libya, Yemen,
Bahrain—quickly emerged, with Iran’s suppressed Green
revolution resurfacing for a while as well. In the weeks
that followed mass demonstrations demanding significant
political reforms continued or sprang up in countries such
as Jordan, Algeria, Morocco, Mauritania, Djibouti,
Palestine, and Oman. As of late, these tremors have even
reached Saudi Arabia and Syria.
The
Supposed Libyan “Exception” & The End of the Old
Arab Order
Should
the Arab revolution make its next stop in Libya, it will be
greeted by an already horrific bloodbath, which has
transformed a peaceful revolution into armed resistance.
Just as former–Romanian President Nicolae Ceausescu’s
violent ouster two
decades ago was the glaring exception to otherwise peaceful
transitions in Eastern Europe, so too has Libya come to
appear as the glaring
exception to the largely peaceful Arab revolts that have
taken place over the last several months. At the same time,
however, there is little doubt that the largely peaceful
nature of the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions was a result
not of the benign nature of those regimes, but rather was a
function of the dearth of repressive resources at the
disposal of those governments. In both cases the army, the
only potentially repressive apparatus left to these regimes,
in the end refused to quash the revolts.
While
this difference is real, the underlying dynamics of the
Libyan revolution nonetheless retain powerful similarities
with those that were at play in Tunisia and Egypt, which I
discussed in earlier articles on those revolts. In all three
instances, spontaneity, rather than established
organizational structures or leadership, was the key
element. Moreover, these uprisings, which all began at the
peripheries of these societies, initially took on a peaceful
cast.
While
the current violent trajectory of the Libyan uprising may
seem to signal its departure from this trend, certain
elements of this revolution suggest the continuing salience
of civic and ethical calls to action. even after the Libyan
uprising turned violent, the opposition continued to promote
a new civic ethic, a fact reflected not only in the
institutions established by the opposition forces in the
last few weeks, but also in their actions on the
battlefield: for example, while Qaddafi’s forces
slaughters captured opposition, the revolutionary camp takes
its captives as prisoners of war.
Furthermore,
the apparent exceptionalism of the Libyan revolution should
not be understood as implying that the relation of Libyan
society to its state differs in anything but degree from the
society–state relation in the rest of the Arab world. Just
as in other parts of the region, Libyan society over the
last decade has become more modern than its regime. As in
Tunisia and Egypt, a key factor in galvanizing the Libyan
revolution was autocratic deafness to this fact. Autocratic
deafness means a structural inability for the regimes to
hear their peoples’ grievances or to understand them as
little more than childish noise, which could be allayed with
economic or other types of transient gifts, rather than as
demands for fundamental political change.
As
such, all the Arab revolutions, Libya’s included, should
be seen as symptoms of an established social modernity,
fortified by high rates of education, various communication
technologies, and vibrant youth populations, whose economic
and political expectations have been profoundly frustrated
by a monopolistic, closed and antiquated governing style.
These revolutions, whether peaceful or otherwise, have been
borne out of a realization that such systems, having never
before seen any need to reform, cannot now be entrusted to
follow–through on sudden promises to improve their
citizens political, social, and economic plights. The Arab
world’s new revolutionaries, comprised of vast numbers of
ordinary individuals many of whom had never before
participated in any form of political mobilization, tend to
have little faith in what they increasingly regard as
illegitimate governments, so out of touch and lacking in
credibility that they must be dismantled (and in all cases,
beginning with their head) rather than negotiated with.
In
this environment, the demise of the old Arab order has
become certain. Contrary to what some may think, the Libyan
revolution does not indicate that the inevitable regional
transformation will necessarily become dominated by
violence. In fact, the revolutions in Tunisia, Egypt, and
now Yemen have demonstrated the vast benefits of
non–violence in the face of regime brutality. Nonetheless,
in some cases fundamental change may come in the form of a
gradual deconstruction of autocratic regimes—internal and
slow, but displayed enough to be not only perceptible but
also credible. This may be a possible scenario especially
for challenged monarchies, notably in Morocco, but perhaps
also in Bahrain and Jordan as well. Whatever the precise
dynamics of change, it remains unlikely that any of the old
Arab regimes will survive the Arab Spring in its current
form: as they exist now, their static structure simply
contradicts the dynamic modernity of their societies.
The
Libyan Case
Libya
represents one the clearest examples of this lack of fit
between state and society. The extreme violence accompanying
the revolution is indeed an expression of the distance
between the two, demonstrating the profound structural
deafness of the Libyan regime. For example, when regime’s
spokespersons as Saif al–Islam, Qaddafi’s son, insist
that Libyan society is “tribal,” they describe less an
empirical reality than express two other phenomena: first,
the regime’s awareness that much of Libyan society exists
outside the purview of the state and is organized in its own
manner (though not necessarily along tribal lines). Second,
“tribalism” as the state understands it reflects the
regime’s own retrograde organizational apparatus, rather
than the civic and voluntary ethics of real tribal
associations.
As
a matter of fact, in Libya, actual tribal allegiance,
understood as the loyalty that members of one distinct tribe
have to their fellows, has never been unconditional. Just as
during the Italian occupation of Libya from 1911–1943,
contemporary tribal discourse blends with and is clearly
subordinate to a collective patriotism, which forms the root
of the current national struggle. Since this movement began,
Libya’s various tribes have issued numerous statements
about the situation, which largely reflect the patriotism
that pervades these associations. My personal examination of
a sample of 28 tribal declarations, issued between February
23 and March 9, 2011, reveals that the vast majority
highlighted national unity or national salvation rather than
tribal interests. These declarations also demonstrate that
Libya’s tribes are not homogenous entities, but rather are
comprised of diverse members with varying social and
economic backgrounds. This reality reflects the nature of
Libyan society as a whole, which has a 90% urban population
and in which inter–marriages across tribal lines are
common.
Furthermore,
these declarations emphasize the fluidity of tribal
solidarities. Only 25% of the tribal declarations examined
claimed to have been issued in the name of the tribe as a
whole. More commonly, the practice appears to have been that
declarations were issued in the name of specific sections or
locations of a tribe (43%), or alternatively spoke in the
name of the tribe as a whole but proceeded to list its locations as
if to implicitly exempt those residing elsewhere (32%). Of
the total 28 declarations, 39% included a bara’a
statement, which dissociates the tribe from named relatives
who are high–ranking officials still serving in the
regime. As a part of this examination, I also examined all
published appeals made to tribes by their members during the
same period, and was struck by the fact that none of them
made an appeal to the tribe as a whole and without
qualifications. Rather, all individuals who published such
appeals addressed them to specific sections of the tribe,
located in the particular town or region where support for
the opposition was most needed, calling upon their distant
relatives to respond to ensure the opposition’s success in
their local community.
Both
the tribal declarations and these tribal appeals demonstrate
how tribal discourse becomes in this revolution another
vehicle to express Libyan patriotism and articulate a sense
of national duty. It also shows how tribal discourse helps
to locally contextualize that sense of responsibly with the
aim of producing concrete local successes rather than
registering grand symbolic stands.
The
combination of an abiding patriotism with a pragmatic
tradition of fluid tribal solidarity, point in the direction
of a nascent flexibility in Libya’s civic and social
organization, which will likely be critical in a
post–Qaddafi era. Traditions of local civic authority,
historically associated with a fluid mix of tribal networks,
Sufi orders, and coastal communities, were vital to Libyans
as they built their country following horrific colonial
experience. Having experienced more than three decades under
Italian rule, the Libyan population, which was no more than 600,000,
experienced the full impact of fascism including population
control as mass incarcerations in concentration camps as of
1930. Though exact numbers have never been established, a
very large percentage of the native population, possibly as
high as a third, died as a result of fascist policies, aimed
at suppressing determined anti–colonial revolts.
Trans–tribal patriotism, a basic catalyst in the
anti–colonial revolts in Libya, is now again being revived
in full force as one of the foundations of the modern civic
ethics of the Libyan revolution.
It
is against this dynamic historical reality that Qaddafi’s
rule sought to build a state after the model of a tribal
structure, yet the structure he had in mind had never
existed in the country’s colonial or modern history.
Unlike real, fluid tribal structures, the state consisted of
concentrated executive power in a few hands—eventually a
ruling family––free from popular consent. Far from
embracing the spirit of Libyan tribalism, the Qaddafi state
adhered to a Mafia–styled ethics, in which fluid and
flexible allegiances were replaced with an unquestioned
dictatorial style and governed according to conspiratorial
ethics.
Libya
Before the 1969 Coup
While
observers have long noted Qaddafi’s behavioral oddities
and mental imbalance, the question as to how he remained in
power for so long is perhaps the most interesting in the
current environment. The answer, in part, can be found in
the fact that a modern state barely existed in pre–Qaddafi
Libya. By and large, society was organized around various
associations outside the state, including tribal networks,
Sufi orders, trade unions and nationalist political parties.
The social cohesion of the Libyan state, which was largely
reliant upon foreign aid until the discovery of oil a few
years before Qaddafi’s coup, rested almost exclusively
around the monarchy––itself a new, post–independence
institution without deep roots in Libyan social or political
history. The relatively short life of the monarchy (18
years) has often been traced to the aloofness of King Idris,
the first and last monarch of Libya, whose poor handling of
the lethal violence used against student protests in
Benghazi in 1964 precipitating a crisis that led to the
government’s resignation.
Against
this background, Qaddafi’s 1969 coup resembles a conquest
of an abandoned castle, which only later would be
transformed into a formidable instrument of patronage and
fear. This would be accomplished by transforming the state
itself into a “protection racket,” as Fred Halliday once
described it. Symptomatic of how it was run is an incident
in 2009, in which two sons of Qaddafi fought each other with
tanks, until one of them forced the other to sell him his
share in a new Coca Cola plant.
The
absence of any civic element in the Libyan state as it
developed under Qaddafi is evident in the exceptional
violence of the situation now. When Qaddafi took over the
country, a modern Libya was just beginning to take shape,
where economic and educational infrastructures were being
established, and in which trans–tribal and Arab patriotic
sentiments were strong. Yet the relative short life of the
pre–Qaddafi Libyan state did not allow it to build enough
of itself so as to avoid the task that the new regime set
about, which was to replace all normal state institutions
with mafia–like networks.
During
the reign of King Idris, Libya, with its small population
and oil wealth, seemed destined to become a monarchy modeled
after those of the Persian Gulf, enjoying economic bounty
similar to that of the Gulf states. While Qaddafi may have
dispensed with the monarch, he gladly usurped the
country’s oil wealth, but the fact that it was largely for
purposes other than systematic economic and infrastructural
development is evident in the surprising poverty one
encounters in Libya in comparison to its Gulf counterparts.
Much of that wealth was used as gifts to international
friends, to fund poorly thought–out development projects,
and to build–up militias loyal to his regime. Libya’s
oil wealth also fueled the new regime’s taste for power,
financing a number of misguided military campaigns,
including a brief war with Egypt in 1977, a clumsy invasion
of Chad in 1978 that destroyed an astounding amount of
Libyan military equipment, and a sequence of misanthropic,
unfocused terror plots.
The
Cult of Qaddafi
The
1969 coup, which ultimately brought Qaddafi to power, was
led by a group of “free officers” from largely marginal
backgrounds. Ali Abdullatif Ahmida has noted that 9 of their
12 leading members, including Qaddafi, came from minor
tribes in Libya’s interior or from poor coastal social
segments. Supported by this core group of socially
marginalized military officials, Qaddafi was able to use the
state’s wealth to take innovative and destructive steps
unavailable to other Arab leaders to solidify his power.
Like other autocrats in the region, Qaddafi aspired to base
the new Libyan state on his own cult of personality. Because
of the weakness of the pre–1969 state and the oil wealth
under his command, Qaddafi’s cult of personality
eventually transcended all imaginable limits. As a part of
this transformation and under the guise of bringing
“genuine democracy” to the country, state institutions
were replaced with a network of local agitators and
informants—so–called “revolutionary committees”
though essentially fascist structures entrusted with
policing any deviation, and accountable only to the leader
and his narrow clique. This structure, coupled with constant
purges, ensured that credible threats to the regime would
not emerge from within state institutions.
As
part of the program of creating this personality cult, the
regime took steps early on to eliminate all other competing
cultural symbols. For example, amongst his first acts as
leader, Qaddafi gave a speech at the tomb of Umar
al–Mukhtar, the legendary leader of the struggle against
Italian colonialism. Immediately after the speech, Qaddafi
ordered the removal of Mukhtar’s tomb from Benghazi, where
it regularly drew many visitors, to a location in the desert
where it could not be reached. The leader’s personality
cult was not yet well–developed at that point, but its
seeds were already apparent in the fear of the presence of
any competing symbols, even those of dead heroes.
The
personality cult took firmer root in the second half of the
1970s, after the original Revolutionary Command Council that
had stood in for the free officers who had overthrown the
monarchy, was decimated, and as any potential competitors to
Qaddafi’s power were removed or executed. Even god
appeared as a suspicious competitor to the great leader:
Abdel–Salam Jallud, Qaddafi’s former second in command,
once stunned his audience by paraphrasing a Qur’anic verse
(from 7:43) so that Qaddafi’s name was inserted in the
place of god as the ultimate source of guidance.
In
1977, eight years after assuming power, the “leader of the
revolution” claimed to cede his power to the people and
assumed the position he continues to hold until today, one
in which he has no official political position from which to
resign: he only has “moral authority.” The same—minus
moral authority—is true of Saif al–Islam, the most
promising of Qaddafi’s seven sons and his heir apparent,
who likewise occupies no government post yet regularly
represents the regime and speaks on its behalf—as for
example when he gave the first address to the nation, on
behalf of the regime, after the breakout of the revolution.
One is hard–pressed to find a political system quite like
this anywhere in the world. The regime’s
anti–institutional nature, where control is both strict
and informal, may be precisely the main reasons for why it
must rely on militias and mercenaries, rather than regular
armed forces, in its combat against the revolution.
Conclusion
It
is probably due to this complete lack of fit between state
and society that this was thus far the first modern Arab
revolution in which an opposition government was formed
before the revolution was over. This was due to three facts,
the first two of which are traceable to the extreme
condition of autocratic deafness. First, unlike the cases of
Tunisia, Egypt, and Yemen, in Libya the unrestrained state
violence necessitated early on that government officials
must demonstrate their upstanding character by leaving the
regime and joining the revolution. But as a result, the
revolution could find no trusted partner within the
government who, like in the case of the other Arab revolts,
could be relied upon to lead a transitional period. At the
same time, the defection of a large number of high–ranking
state officials, including members of the diplomatic corps
who had the close contacts with global institutions (and
also most freedom to defect) supplied the otherwise
spontaneous uprising with a body of politically experienced
recruits who placed a high importance on the development of
institutions to support the uprising. At the same time, the
opposition’s success in liberating parts of Libyan
territory created a pragmatic need for a government–like
structure to run and manage these areas.
Thus
out of this least institutionally developed condition of
state we encounter the emergence of the most institutionally
developed model of a revolution. The apparent Libyan
exception is thus not only one of violence and bloodshed.
This tremendous example of indigenous organizing, arising
amidst spontaneous and fearless resistance to state
violence, belies Western complaints about the alleged
“absence of civil society” in Libya. As Western
diplomats and commentators have struggled to identify the
exact character of this movement, they have missed its most
crucial and illuminating element: that it represented less a
specific ideology and more the forceful rebirth of modern
Libya’s long repressed civic traditions. As such, out of
the most desperate of circumstances, the Libyan revolt has,
out of all the Arab revolutions thus far, made the greatest
leap forward.
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